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Amendment Three is Florida's hot-ticket election issue this year. In Clay County, alliances among prominent Republicans are fracturing as the election approaches. Arguments and infighting over the amendment have crowded out any real conversation.

The battle starts at the top of Clay County's political food chain. Rhonda Jett, Chair of the Clay County Republican Party, took to the internet last week to oppose all three constitutional amendments.

In her post, Jett says she doesn’t believe the amendments address issues that warrant changing the state constitution, particularly amendment three.

Jett also implied in comments on her post that the amendments weren’t thoughtful or thoroughly studied, comparing them to the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare).

Jett’s comments put her at odds with both state lawmakers Judson Sapp and Sam Garrison. Sapp served on the committee that researched and authored the bill and has been an outspoken proponent not only of Amendment Three, but of tax relief in general.

Judson Sapp spoke with a Federated Republican Women's meeting recently and said, “Either you can say enough is enough, and this is a start. If we pass it, we’re gonna do more. It will lead to a full repeal one day.”

He went on to add, “And this ballot will empower us, because again, a little civics lesson in case you don’t know this- things that are in the Constitution we have to take to the ballot. We, in the state house and Senate, cannot touch it without putting it on the ballot. We have to do a joint resolution.”

Sam Garrison, the next Speaker of the Florida House of Representatives, recently told Clay News & Views that any idea that there is a way to reduce property taxes other than a constitutional amendment is “pure fantasy.”

Rhonda Jett’s comments miss the fact that the state legislature must change the state constitution before passing any laws on homestead exemptions.

But Jett’s rhetoric matches that of her employer, as in addition to leading the Republican Party in Clay, Jett also works for Sheriff Cook as a part-time “Governmental Liaison.”

Sheriff Michelle Cook has been on a month-long campaign to strike fear into the populace over amendment three, claiming that 911 calls will be answered more slowly and that hundreds of jobs will be cut. Cook’s budget has nearly doubled since she was appointed in 2020.

In a recent interview, Cook claimed anyone supporting amendment three wants to “Defund the Police.”

Sheriff Cook, Property Appraiser Tracy Drake, and Supervisor of Elections Chris Chambless have been making the rounds across the county over the last few weeks, attending meetings at churches, political gatherings, and homes to share their reasons people should vote against Amendment Three.

Tracy Drake spoke at a private meeting of CCSO employees and took shots at the people on Facebook who support the amendment, saying they likely “don’t vote or own property.”

That kind of comment has given many people in Clay County the impression their leaders are tone-deaf and out of touch. Instead of debating the amendment’s possible merits and downsides, your leaders have used fear and petty insults to drive sentiment against the amendments.

Today in Green Cove Springs, the Board of County Commissioners will meet to discuss the budget. Despite Sheriff Cook’s claim that her department will absorb all the impacts of Amendment Three, the county has asked every department to plan for a 15% cut in ad valorem funds.

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For the Sheriff’s office, this would be an $18 million reduction and would put her budget back in line with 2024, a 64% increase from the budget she inherited when appointed Sheriff in 2020.

While not insignificant, $18.1 million is a far cry from the $35 million Cook claims her agency will lose.

Despite the online hysterics, Amendment Three isn’t perfect and deserves discussion. The clear benefit to the taxpayers is relief from yearly property taxes. The risk is that local governments statewide may have to make hard decisions about the level of services they provide.

Less local tax revenue may give Tallahassee more influence over local governments, as state dollars might be needed for municipalities that can’t make ends meet. State money can come with strings attached.

Many taxpayers are saying loud and clear that despite the risk, the need for tax relief outweighs the problems local governments might face.

Early voting started last week and Election Day is next Tuesday, November 3rd. Find early voting and Election Day locations here:

https://clayelections.gov/

A state administrative law judge has recommended that Florida drop its license case against Kelly Brock-Sanchez, the former Ridgeview Elementary teacher who posted about Charlie Kirk’s death in September 2025. The judge found the state never proved a key word in its own complaint: ‘public.’

Judge Suzanne Van Wyk issued the recommended order on Oct. 21st. She asked the Education Practices Commission to dismiss the state’s Administrative Complaint.

The complaint said Brock-Sanchez made her posts on a “public social media account.” Van Wyk found the state did not prove that by clear and convincing evidence.

The evidence showed a private Facebook account under the name “Kelly SteelMagnolia.” Brock-Sanchez said she had about 300 friends, all people she knows personally. Her profile picture was a real photo of her, visible to anyone. Her posts were not visible unless you became her friend.

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Van Wyk wrote that all five counts depended on the “public account” allegation. The counts included gross immorality, conduct that seriously reduces effectiveness, and failing to protect students from harmful conditions.

Without that allegation, the judge found, the state did not establish the basis for any count.

The judge wrote that the state’s counsel “equivocated” on the point. He emphasized the public profile photo, but the complaint did not charge a private account with a public photo. Florida law lets the state discipline a licensee only for what the complaint alleges.

Someone in Brock-Sanchez’s Facebook friends list shared the first post publicly. The hearing could not determine who first shared Brock-Sanchez’s private post.

Judge Van Wyk wrote that because Brock-Sanchez “did not make that decision,” the consequences of publicly sharing the controversial post “cannot be attributed to her.”

The order contains sharp language about the posts. Van Wyk found the first post “expresses personal approval, if not celebration” of Kirk’s death. She called it “clearly impulsive” and said it “may have been reckless, thoughtless, offensive, and even callous.”

The second post called Kirk “one less evil person on this planet.” Van Wyk found it was unreasonable for Brock-Sanchez to assume it would stay private, since the first post had already gone viral.

She also found no reading of the post supported Brock-Sanchez’s testimony that she wanted people to feel sorry for her.

The order says it “is neither an endorsement, nor an approval, of Respondent’s actions.” The judge wrote that the state chose its charges and failed to prove them.

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The order lists findings about the response at Ridgeview. The school received more than 800 emails and 300 Facebook posts, some of them threatening. The district sent extra staff, a counselor, and four secretaries.

The Clay County Sheriff’s Office added a second deputy to patrol the school the day after Sanchez’s post went public.

A fifth-grade teacher was mistaken for Brock-Sanchez and received threatening comments. She had an anxiety attack and left campus. The school excused student absences on Sept. 11 and 12. One or two students were withdrawn.

The order is not final. The parties have 15 days to file written exceptions with the Education Practices Commission. That deadline falls around Nov. 5th. The commission then issues the final order.

The order does not address the federal lawsuit Brock-Sanchez filed in February against the state’s education commissioner. The most recent reporting shows that case is still pending.

The Clay County School Board terminated Brock-Sanchez’s contract effective Oct. 2nd, 2025.

My Daddy had a way of passing along words of wisdom, usually seasoned with a little humor and farmyard flavor. He could sum up in a few words what it took a Protestant preacher three sermons to say.

While reviewing the amendments on November’s ballot, I noticed a common thread running through several of them that brought to mind one of Daddy’s favorite sayings:

“Pigs get fed, hogs get slaughtered.”

Daddy believed it was a wonderful thing to be rewarded for hard work. But he said there was a mighty big difference between enjoying the fruits of your labor and cheating others to get a greedy share.

Several amendments look like some folks think the public piggy bank is their personal feeding trough—which is a hog-sized problem. So I’m rating the amendments on a Hog-O-Meter scale, with Number One being a reasonable expense where the deserving gets fed. A Number Ten is for the hogs that want to make sure the trough never runs dry and the taxpayers are left holding the bill for the slop.

Amendment 1-Budget Stabilization Fund (BSF)

I have a feeling the first two letters of the acronym BSF says it all for Amendment 1. When Florida collects more taxes than anticipated, they put 10 percent of the overpayments into a BSF or “rainy-day fund”—which has nothing to do with rain.

Some elected officials want us to think the money from the fund is spent on emergencies such as storms and hurricanes, but the BSF is typically used to cover “revenue shortfalls.”

Here’s how it works: A state expects to get a big pile of money, so it starts spending like it won the lottery. Everybody gets a pony! Then, the money rolls in and—oops—it’s not as much as they thought, so they dip into their rainy-day-fund, because they forgot to check their bank balance before going on a spending spree.

Some folks in the legislature want us to say “yes” to Amendment 1 so they can increase their present 10 percent of the overpayments to 25 percent in their rainy-day-fund. Most states’ BSF percentages range from about five percent up to about 14 percent. At 25 percent, Florida’s BSF percentage would be one of the highest in the entire United States.

Florida’s rainy-day-fund is growing like a hog on steroids totaling, according to whomever you ask, about $5.7 billion. Last year, Florida added $118 million dollars to the fund.

If Amendment 1 passes, Tallahassee will be able to take about $750 million a year out of the overpayments and put it into their BSF. And the same people who want you to give them the $750 million will decide what constitutes an “emergency.”

The last time Florida’s government dipped into the BSF was in 2008. Folks weren’t buying as many houses as predicted, construction slowed, and the only folks spending freely was our state government. So, they took $1.07 billion out of the fund.

Oddly, some Democrats and Republicans agree Amendment 1 is hoggish.

Governor DeSantis called the amendment “foolish.” He said we have “maxed-out the rainy-day fund” giving Florida more money in their BSF than in the state’s history. He has consistently argued that the surplus overpayments should be used to lower our property taxes.

A large number of Democrat groups around the state also say residents should vote against it, as it will tie up over $16 billion that could be used for schools, housing and property taxes.

So, on the Hog-O-Meter, I’m giving Amendment 1 a 10/10 “No” for hogwash!

Amendment 2-Exemption of Tangible Person Property on Agricultural Land from Taxation

If passed, Amendment 2 means farmers will not have to pay tangible personal property taxes on their farm equipment—for which they have already bought and paid.

Coming from a farming family, I know the hardships farmers face. Big and small farms in Florida are confronting some serious survival issues and need relief. Foreign companies are “dumping” produce into Florida at exceptionally low prices. Even though Florida raised produce is many times safer to eat than foreign produce, Florida farmers are forced to take pennies for peanuts and pineapples, even though grocery stores do not pass on the saving to shoppers.

Experts say this tax break would “level the playing field” for farmers so they can compete with foreign companies and keep their farms alive.

I’m giving Amendment 2 a 1/10 “Yes” on the Hog-O-Meter because the farmers get fed.

Amendment 3-Increase Homestead Exemption

Amendment 3, also called “Save Our Homes,” will increase the homestead exemption for non-school property taxes from $50,000 to $150,000 in 2027 and $250,000 in 2028.

Rumors about this amendment are running hog wild.

The critics of Amendment 3, most of whom have long been on the public trough, don’t want to share the ever increasing property tax money with taxpayers, so they’re passing along the rumor that the amendment is a secret plot to “defund the police.”

Here’s a tip: A rumor doesn’t become a fact just because it’s repeated over and over by elected officials at public meetings.

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And those opposing are dismissing the amendment language that clearly states:

“This amendment requires counties and municipalities to use property taxes solely for public safety, education and school infrastructure, natural resources, bond debt service, retirement for employees, and operations and administration.”

Sadly, for us, this amendment doesn’t require our local governments to tighten their belts and stop spending many millions on questionable squandermania.

To assist with reasonable government expenses, Governor DeSantis has gone on record to say if Amendment 3 passes, the state will set aside dedicated funds to help “fiscally constrained counties” fund their budgets.

“I’d hate for people to deprive themselves of a really significant tax break and more control over your own home because you think somehow they’re not going to have money to have a police force or something.” he said.

I spoke with our own state representative and Speaker of the House Sam Garrison. He said Republicans in the house are committed to reducing property taxes with Amendment 3. He seems to believe the amendment is the only way to force local governments to give taxpayers the break they deserve.

“People of good faith can disagree on Amendment 3.” Garrison said. “But the idea there’s some unstated and unknown alternative to reduce your property tax burden, while simultaneously getting the support of local government, is pure fantasy.”

Looks like Garrison is right. When the governor’s pledge to help counties pay for valid services so homeowners escalating property taxes can be reduced is mentioned, opponents of Amendment 3 suddenly act like this means Tallahassee is going show up, take the keys to all the county buildings and tell them what color to paint the front door.

The truth is Clay County will most likely not be considered “fiscally constrained” because we are swimming in money.

Florida’s population is booming so fast, you’d think Moses was back on the job—only this time, he’s not parting the Red Sea. He’s parting I-95, I-75, I-10 and I-4 on south and east-bound lanes. And just as the Israelites headed for the Promised Land, today’s masses are streaming into Florida—as if the Sunshine State was the land of milk and honey with no state income tax.

The only difference from the Israelites is these folks are following those orange barrels at Buc-ees to buy everything from the Beaver Nuggets to tiny little fake allegators. They’re spending money at Publix, filling up with $5 gas, buying stuff they didn’t get at Buc-ees and our local government folks don’t have to do much for the money except count it.

Financial folks figure Clay County will lose around $31 million in property taxes if Amendment 3 passes.

The masses are buying up those expensive houses that are springing up in Florida, especially in Clay County. Building inspectors say our county averages ten building permits a day at $20,000 a pop! The county gets $15,000 and utilities gets $5,000. For a five day week, that’s $150,000 a day and $750,000 a week.

Let’s be conservative and deduct four weeks a year for holidays, fire drills and backed-up bathrooms and count only 48 weeks. That’s $36 million dollars a year of brand spanking new money—added to the pile of new and higher property taxes, sales taxes, and taxes on everything we use, touch and drive by. Our county will collect a heck-of-lot more tax money than last year even if Amendment 3 passes.

Those bellied up to that public trough with their enormous salaries and excessive benefits want homeowners to keep paying sky-high property taxes—even if means rationing medications and living on Spam.

I’m awarding Amendment 3, a snoutstastic 1/10 on the Hog-O-Meter and deserving a “Yes” vote.

Charter Amendment Revising Commissioner Salary Provision

This is one of those local amendments where lawyers bury the truth under a mountain of legal mumbo jumbo, hoping voters check “Yes” before their eyes glaze over.

The Charter Review Commission (CRC), better known as “Friends of the Commissioners,” has put this on the ballot two other times, but voters said “No.”

What this amendment says in the fine print is that we agree to give up all our rights to set commissioners salaries, allow their $37,000 a year salary to triple with regular raises and they get to keep all their phenomenal benefits to boot!

I’m giving this one an 9/10 “No” on the Hog-O-Meter. It would have been a 10/10, but it made me laugh that the CRC actually believes “the third time is the charm.”

I wonder if the CRC can say “stormwater fees?”

Protect Student Safety and Retain Quality Teachers and Staff by Renewing an Ad Valorem Millage

When Sheriff Darryl Daniels was elected in 2016, he asked for and received a humongous budget raise from the commissioners. Then, he significantly increased the costs for resource officers that were in the elementary schools at the time.

The only apparent fruits taxpayers saw from the mammoth monies he gathered was a bunch of Dodge Chargers that he let cute women drive around, a couple of tricked-out trucks for himself and a Las Vegas yoga instructor for the sheriff’s department.

Following the tragic school shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, lawmakers passed legislation that required all schools to have school resource officers, school safety officers, or a combination of both.

Daniels’ costs for the additional officers were so astronomical that then Superintendent Addison Davis practically had a hissy fit. So, Davis and the school board eventually decided to start their own police force.

In addition to the property taxes the school district was receiving, the district asked Clay County folks to vote for an extra one-mil of property taxes for four years—ending in 2023 to fund the start-up of the force. Although the extra mil was touted for school safety, the language of the amendment allowed the school district to spend the funds any way they pleased. It passed in 2018 by 53 percent.

The cost for the school district to “harden schools” with resource officers, single points of entry, fencing, cameras and extended PA systems was approximately $23.7 million for four years. The additional one mil in property taxes generated $52,576,263. The school administration spent the extra $28,876,263 at its own discretion. Apparently, they spent little to nothing on teachers’ pay in Clay County as salaries remained low in contrast to other parts of the state with the same population.

In November of 2020, the school district asked for a 1/2 cent sales tax increase for 30 years. It passed by 56 percent.

In 2022, preparing for the termination of the additonal one mil of property taxes, the school system asked for it to be extended again through 2027 to pay for “school safety” and operating expenses. It passed, again by 53 percent.

In 2023, the school board disbanded the school police, but spent the remaining mega millions. Clay’s teacher pay remained at the bottom of the trough.

Now, the school district wants us to again extend the extra one mil in property taxes for public safety and, they say, to retain quality teachers.

The over-fed hogs spent the countless millions from their primary property taxes, the two extensions of the one mil of property taxes and the 1/2 cent sales tax on who-knows-what including a top-heavy administration, questionable expenses and enough vehicles to put a car in everybody’s yard in the country of Tuvalu.

I would vote for this extension if it was ONLY for teacher raises. But I’m giving this fourth snort for more a 10/10 “No” on the Hog-O-Meter. The district’s fair share has turned into a big ole feeding frenzy for the engorged hogs just ripe for slaughtering.

Ballot amendments can shape our county and state for years, so they deserve more than a quick read.

Vote with wisdom in early voting or on November 3. Let’s feed those who deserve it and put the hogs on a diet.

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A political committee run by a Gainesville Republican operative is mailing Clay County voters about the school district’s one-mill tax renewal. The committee is called Believing in Clay’s Kids PC.

Most of its money comes from outside Clay County. Much of it comes from businesses that have worked for the school district. Another large share comes through a chain of committees that hides the money's origin.

A committee mailer arrived in Clay mailboxes this week. It urges a “Yes” vote on the millage renewal. It promises teacher raises, school safety, school resource officers, and a citizen oversight group. It calls the measure “a renewal, not a new tax.”

The ballot question asks voters to renew the district’s existing one-mill property tax for four years. Voters first approved the extra mill in 2018 and renewed it in 2022. The current levy ends June 30, 2027.

The district says the money funds school resource officers and guardians at every school, plus other operating costs.

The mailer carries the line “Paid for by Believing in Clays Kids PC.” Its postage permit is from Manasota, in the Sarasota area.

The committee registered with the state on August 31. William Stafford Jones chairs and serves as treasurer. Its address is a suite on Northwest 80th Boulevard in Gainesville. Its registered agent is Tallahassee attorney Richard Coates.

Jones is a former chairman of the Alachua County Republican Party. He served as a delegate at the 2020 Republican National Convention. The Sarasota News Leader has counted about 145 political committees where Jones served as treasurer.

In 2021, the watchdog group Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington reported that two of his organizations failed to disclose more than $1 million in political contributions.

Most of Jones’ committees share one mailing address: 115 E. Park Ave., Suite 1, in Tallahassee.

This is the second time a Jones committee has used this name in Clay. A committee called Believing In Clay’s Kids operated in 2020 and closed after that election. A sister committee, Believing In Putnam’s Kids, also used the same name format.

State records show the committee raised $128,500 through Oct. 8. Only about $18,500 came from donors with Clay County addresses. That is about 14% of the total.

The donors were:

• Leading for Our Future (political committee), Tallahassee: $40,000

• Scorpio (construction), Gainesville: $20,000

• Parrish McCall Constructors, Gainesville: $20,000

• David Grundy (construction), St. Augustine: $10,000

• Reinhold Corp., Fleming Island: $10,000

• Paul Stresing (architect), Newberry: $10,000

• David Shively (architect), Orange Park: $8,000

• 12 Visual Inc., Fort Myers: $5,000

• Committee for Professional Law Enforcement, Gainesville: $2,500

• John Smith, Midway: $2,500

• Gerald Agresti, Fleming Island: $500

Construction and architecture donors contributed about $68,000, more than half of the total.

Several donors have done work for Clay County District Schools.

Scorpio gave $20,000. The school board used Scorpio as construction manager for the new cafeteria and classrooms at Keystone Heights Elementary in 2022. In 2024, the board awarded Scorpio a $2.8 million contract to rebuild the Clay High School parking lot.

Parrish McCall Constructors gave $20,000. In 2018, the board picked the firm as one of three construction management firms for district projects. The board renewed that contract in 2019. The firm also managed construction of a new elementary school in 2017.

David Shively gave $8,000. Shively is senior vice president of Bhide & Hall Architects in Orange Park. Bhide & Hall is one of the district’s most-used architects.

It designed Spring Park Elementary, which opened in 2023, and the RideOut Elementary classroom addition approved in 2024. The board approved a new continuing contract with the firm in May.

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Parrish McCall Constructors gave $20,000. In 2018, the board picked the firm as one of three construction management firms for district projects. The board renewed that contract in 2019. The firm also built Spring Park Elementary, the district’s newest school.

Paul Stresing gave $10,000. The board hired his firm in 2009 to design an administration building at Keystone Heights Elementary.

The donations raise a question. The millage pays for school safety and operating costs. It cannot be used for construction. It is unclear why architects and builders would fund a campaign for a tax that does not pay for buildings.

One possible answer is that the millage frees up other district money. CN&V has asked the district for comment. A follow-up story will include the district’s response.

The 2020 version of Believing In Clay’s Kids raised $156,000. Builders, developers, and contractors gave nearly all of it.

Reinhold Corp. gave $25,000 that year. The Northeast Florida Builders Association also gave $25,000. Charles Perry Partners, another district construction management firm, gave $5,000. Bhide & Hall Architects gave $1,000.

That committee spent about $120,000 on advertising through a Virginia ad buyer. It paid about $28,000 more to Data Targeting, a Gainesville political firm.

The largest single donation came from another Jones committee, Leading for Our Future. It gave $40,000 on Sept. 2, the same day the state acknowledged the new committee’s paperwork.

CN&V traced that money back through state records. About 96% of Leading for Our Future’s money over the prior year came from one source. That source is Greater Florida Foundation, another Jones committee.

Greater Florida Foundation raised $4.45 million in 2026. Every dollar came from other political committees. Most of those committees also list 115 E. Park Ave. as their address.

Some of the money moved in circles. On July 8, a committee called Keep Florida Great gave $200,000 to Greater Florida Foundation. The next day, Greater Florida Foundation sent $100,000 back.

Further up the chain, the records show money from the Republican State Leadership Committee in Washington, D.C. They also show money from Florida Crystals Corp., a sugar company in West Palm Beach. Other sources include nursing home operators, law firms, and statewide business groups.

None of the traceable money at the top of that chain comes from Clay County. Because money from many sources is pooled, there is no way to know which original donor paid for any single mailer.

Leading for Our Future has also given to school board candidates. On June 19, it gave $1,000 to Clay School Board member Michele Hanson’s campaign. It has also given to school board candidates in Pasco, Alachua and Duval counties.

Hanson voted to put the millage renewal on the ballot. Every other board member did too.

The Committee for Professional Law Enforcement gave $2,500 on Sept. 21. Jones is its treasurer. Charles R. Taylor Jr. chairs it.

Its past donors include Sheriff Michelle Cook. She gave the committee $16,000 between 2020 and 2022. Its only donation in 2026 was $5,000 from Lyman George Hall, who lists his occupation as law enforcement.

Through Oct. 8, the committee reported spending $1,846.50. It paid $225 to Coates’ law firm. The rest went to Anedot, an online payment processor, for fees.

Those fees match five donations made Oct. 6 to Oct. 8. All five went through the same online system within three days.

The reports still show no costs for printing, postage, or advertising. The mailer’s cost should appear in the committee’s next report. As of Oct. 8, the committee had about $126,000 left to spend before the Nov. 3 election.

The Florida Department mandated that all license plate readers be removed from state roads by September 30th. The Clay County Sheriff’s Office (CCSO) went a step farther and said it would remove its readers, most of which are Flock Safety units, from all county roads.

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Two weeks past the deadline, the status of CCSO’s Flock-powered surveillance network is unclear. Some cameras along state roads have been removed, but the poles they were mounted on remain.

The remaining cameras on county roads remain in place, though some appear to have had their lenses covered with tape.

Further complicating the issue is CCSO’s refusal to answer questions about the cameras and a confusing statement from its public records department.

Clay News & Views requested records on audits of users' access to Flock’s systems and data. Instead of the audit logs, we received a response stating that user access to the Flock system has been “suspended” and that all agency-run ALPRs are no longer in use.

Clay News & Views first reported on the Flock surveillance cameras when they were installed in 2023. In response, Sheriff Cook said her agency would no longer answer CN&V's questions. Instead, they would direct CN&V to submit questions as public records requests.

Government agencies, law enforcement, or otherwise, are not legally required to answer questions from media outlets. In response to records requests, they are only obligated to provide documents that already exist.

By directing questions to be submitted as public records requests, CCSO has created a loophole that lets it avoid answering questions without breaking any laws while appearing responsive to media requests.

CCSO has also not issued any additional statements via its social media channels. CN&V contacted the Florida Department of Transportation (FDOT) and advised them that several cameras along State Road 21, aka Blanding Boulevard, are still up.

FDOT offered no comment other than what was already stated in their memo from August 31.

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With no updates and cameras still in place, Clay residents have taken to social media to question the status of Sheriff Cook’s surveillance network. Some wondered if Clay County was quietly planning to switch to a competitor of Flock’s to circumvent the FDOT mandate.

CCSO has a $12 million contract with Axon, which provides cameras and services similar to Flock, along with body cameras, tasers, and the software and hardware to run “real-time crime centers.”

CN&V confirmed through public records that the current Axon contract does not include services or hardware that could replace Flock, and that no conversations are currently documented to add those services to the contract.

Despite that news, questions remain about the future of AI-powered surveillance in Clay County.

First, why are the poles still up for the cameras that have been removed? Have the cameras been returned to Flock? Each pole has a sticker stating it is Flock’s property, as shown in this picture.

Sheriff Cook may be waiting for the results of the upcoming Gubernatorial election. Both Democrat David Jolly and Republican Byron Donalds have taken a soft stance on Flock.

Neither supports an outright ban, and either candidate could reverse current Governor Ron DeSantis's directive that led to the FDOT memo.

If the next governor allows the camera to return to state roads, leaving the poles up would allow the cameras to be quickly reinstalled.

CCSO’s confirmation that access to Flock has been suspended, rather than revoked, lends more credence to the possibility that Sheriff Cook and CCSO are waiting out the election rather than removing the cameras altogether.

This story has been updated to reflect that FDOT’s memo mandated the removal of ALPR’s from state roads, not all roads in Clay County.

This story is by the folks at the Clay County Archives Center.

Nestled alongside Penney Farms lies the tiny, historic community of New Hope. Before the Great Depression, this community was where skilled black workers were first recruited by Florida Farms & Industries to build a cannery and cattle facilites and to plant myriad crops. There was a dairy farm, too.

Florida Farms & Industries, or FF&I, was the precursor to Penny Farms, so New Hope existed before Penney Farms.

The workers originally lived in quarters made from converted boxcars until modest homes could be built, and they sharecropped to suplement their wages. Sharecropping was a vestige of Jim Crow that applied to poor white and black people, and FF&I had more than 100,000 acres of land to “share” with its employees.

When J.C. Penney took over FF&I operations in the 1920s, the community built a church and renamed themselves New Hope to signify both the coming together of the community and its hopes for the future. The church was named New Hope Baptist Church. There was also no more sharecropping, as J.C. Penney sold the workers land and allowed the debt to be paid off over time.

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The church was a place where fellowship, Sunday school, and prayer meetings were held, and visiting pastors from other churches came to give the occasional sermon.

The church was the heartbeat of the tiny community, which was just 190 acres of tree-lined roadways and heavily shaded homes. Tragically, in 1933, the church burned down. The small community rebuilt the church and members of the Penney Retirement Commuinity helped. The church house is still there today and is in use by the community.

Back in its heyday, in the 1940s and times thereafter, the church had some wonderful pastors. The most well-known were Jerry Haymon and his son, John Haymon. They alo worked in a blacksmith shop in Penney Farms. In the 1940s and 50s, Penney Farms was an active agricultural center with large dairy farms, such as Shadowlawn, Bordenville and Foremost.

John Haymon was born in 1933. He also pastored the church, dabbled in local politics, and worked at Penny Retirement Community. John raised his family in New Hope during the 1960s and 70s. His children were active in the church and grew up to be pastors, business owners, an opera singer, a nuclear engineeer, a nurse, a Marine Corps veteran, and a counselor. All in some way gave back to their communities through lives of service.

The 1970s brought improvements to the community. Reverend John Haymon and his wife, Mamie Burroughs Haymon, spearheaded the neighborhood center and paved roads. Groups from Penney Retirement Community visited New Hope Church to hear Reverend Haymon preach. The topic of one of his sermons was “You Must Build a Bridge”. Building bridges between the two communities was a regular focus of conversation.

John’s most famous child was Cynthia Haymon, a Grammy Award winning opera singer. Her most well known opera was Porgy and Bess.

John Haymon passed in January of 1985, leaving behind the community of New Hope to mourn his passing.

This information was sourced from the Florida Times Union, newspapers.com, Clay County Crescent, UF Digital Newspaper Collection, Ancestry.com, and in subject files and court records maintained locally at the Archives Center.

For more information about this topic or about anything related to Clay County history, please contact Clay County Clerk of Court’s Historical Archives Division personnel at (904) 371-0027 or by email at clayarchives@clayclerk.com. The Archives Center is part of the Old Jail at the county’s Historic Triangle (21 Gratio Place, Green Cove Springs, 32043) and is open Monday-Friday, 8am-5pm, minus holidays. Stop by to take a self-guided tour of the Old Jail or for research assistance from staff.

Fire rescuers and lots of regular folks have been left wondering: Why did David Motes, who’s paid double for being acting fire chief and as one of a bunch of assistant county managers, fail to follow state law and the county’s own policies after he had an accident that ripped off the front off his county SUV.

So, naturally I asked.

According to the statement I received, which bears his name but appears to have been generated by Motes, AI and a few other contributors, the answer is a perfectly plausible one.

He. Didn’t. Know. His. Front. End. Was. Missing.

Apparently, the bumper and grill of an SUV can simply disappear—and the person driving it may remain completely unaware.

The statement relayed was that a crew in Keystone Heights called for “additional assistance,” and since he was in the area, he responded. It went on to say that Motes was traveling on Darwood Street and saw several areas of standing water across the roadway, which he thought were “passable” since his SUV had all-wheel drive.

While traversing one of these areas, the vehicle encountered what appeared to be an abrupt change in the roadway elevation beneath the standing water. Although this particular area did not appear significantly deeper than the others, I heard a noise beneath the vehicle. At the time, I believed the vehicle may have contacted an unseen limb or other debris concealed by the water.

Motes said he continued to drive to the emergency and “completed the response.” It was then that he “subsequently determined” his front end had gone missing.

I did not return through the affected roadway to retrieve the detached assembly because doing so would have required operating the vehicle through the same conditions without the protection of the front assembly and could have resulted in additional damage.

According to the statement, after he noticed his bumper and grill were gone, Motes drove to the Emergency Operations Center, got another vehicle, notified Logistics of the damage and told them he had gotten another truck.

As I mentioned last week, insiders said no “additional assistance” was needed at the Keystone call-out. Also noted was the accident is going to cost the county over $3,000 to repair and since no accident report was made, the sources said the SUV’s damage cannot be claimed on insurance.

Mechanics blessed with the skills to repair and replace parts recently said Motes could have saved the county a bundle if he had picked up his front assembly and taken it to the county’s car hospital, where it could have been reattached.

Although the accident happened on September 6, there were a few questions still lingering unanswered that his statement did not address, like…Is ignorance really bliss?

Since the acting chief, bless his heart, didn’t realize he’d lost his front end until after he finished responding to the call, should he really be expected to follow state law and county procedures and notify law enforcement—like all other Fire Rescue and county employees?

Was it truly necessary for he and his immediate supervisors, Fire Chief Lorin Mock and County Manager Howard Wanamaker, to spend their valuable time completing those lengthy Risk Management reports about the accident within 24 hours—like everybody else in the county is required to do?

Then there’s the little matter of speed.

Just because Motes’ Automatic Vehicle Locator-GPS has previously recorded him traveling more than 100 mph to calls that were already half over and, according to other fire personnel, he wouldn’t have been missed, do county taxpayers still have a right to know how fast he was going when the front of his county SUV went missing?

Despite the fact that taxpayers are paying him a big-ole double salary, does that really mean he should have to take a drug test immediately after an accident in a county vehicle—like all other employees making one-third his salary must do?

And even though all employees who have an accident in a county vehicle have to go home and wait for the results of the Risk Management’s assessment and the drug test before reporting back to work or being fired—does that mean the acting chief has to go home, too, without grabbing another county truck?

Over the past several weeks, I’ve asked other questions and requested public records to find out the answers.

Motes didn’t notify law enforcement.

No Risk Management reports were available.

The county mistakenly provided me with Motes’ AVL-GPA reading after the accident. I’m still waiting for the one at the time of the accident.

There was no drug test for the Acting Chief.

There was no answer from the county about when Motes returned to work after his accident, but that question appears to have been answered in his group statement. He said he went to Operations, which must have been a bumpy ride since the front of his SUV was missing and at least one of his tires looked like it had been through a road grater, dumped his ailing SUV, got another one and went about his business.

So, after all, the answer to those questions appears to be:

No. No. Still waiting. No. And no—because it appears if you’re the acting fire chief, there is a secret exception clause buried deep in the fine print of the county’s policies-and-procedures manual which includes a special grab-another-truck-like-nothing-ever-happened provision. I’ve checked my reading glasses and I’m still searching for that exception.

Which brings us back to our original question: Is ignorance really bliss?

Apparently so—if you are being paid salaries and benefits larger than most county management employees in the state and you have friends in high places who seem perfectly willing to blissfully look the other way.

Mystery solved. Case closed. Everybody can back to what you were doing.

Because now we know that when you’re at the top of Clay County’s management, the rules are less like “requirements” and more like “suggestions.”

Bombadier Recreational Products has agreed to settle a lawsuit brought by the family of a brain-damaged little girl who nearly drowned on August 25, 2024. Her family’s 13-foot Sea-Doo Switch flipped over forward as dad slowed the boat down while approaching the Knight’s boat ramp at the mouth of Black Creek.

Introduced in 2021, the Switch is a hybrid jetski-pontoon boat that was marketed to first-time buyers and novice boaters as an inexpensive craft for family fun on the water. The Grullon family fit that description to a T; its breadwinner bought his while operating a car detailing business here in Clay County.

Just 15 months old, Vianca Grullon was trapped beneath the vessel when it capsized. Her lifejacket pinned her against the floor of the overturned boat, out of easy reach of family members, who themselves needed rescue. She was underwater for around 10 minutes before passing firefighters managed to pull her out.

The $30 million lawsuit filed by family against BRP and the Jacksonville Sea-Doo dealership noted that Vianca had suffered “permanent neurological damage” and would require 24-hour care for the rest of her life.

Parties to the Duval County court case notified the judge in August that they had reached a settlement. Pending examination by a “guarding ad litem” to ensure Vianca’s interests were represented, the lawsuit is scheduled to be dismissed later this month.

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Even though the family had sought $30 million, the nature of litigation in America almost surely indicates that a lesser amount has been agreed upon. No public record says how much, and neither party will comment on any details of the agreement. That’s a standard practice.

In its court filings, BRP blamed the accident entirely on operator error on the part of William Grullon, Vianca’s father.

This is the second settlement so-far in deaths that happened when a Switch flipped forward while decelerating. A Virginia nine-year-old was declared dead on July 4, 2024 two days after her dad’s new Switch “literally flipped” on Lake Anna, a popular recreational venue about 72 miles south of Washington, D.C. She too was trapped underneath the vessel and died by drowning.

A little over a year later, the Virginia case was apparently settled without ever getting into court. No one would talk about that one, either. A third wrongful death lawsuit was filed last month after three woman died on Flagstaff Lake in Maine in August 2025—again, because a Sea-Doo Switch flipped over forward while slowing down.

The circumstances of the Maine case are described in the linked story below. The one below that describes two class-action suits filed against BRP on behalf of all Switch owners.

The Sea-Doo Switch comes in three sizes—13, 18 and 21 feet. They are powered by Rotax water jet engines and can go over 35 mph, but—counterintuitively—going too fast has not been the issue.

All these lawsuits make the same argument: Water weighs a little more than eight pounds per gallon. A design flaw allows some number of gallons to seep inside Switch hulls and flow freely therein. Whenever the vessel suddenly decelerates, that water rushes forward, plunging the boat’s bows downward beneath the surface and causing the boat to flip.

The federal lawsuits also allege that three BRP corrective recalls—sealent repair in February 2025, a gasket repair in October 2025 and software throttle control measure in May 2026—all failed to fix problems caused by poor hull design.

The first public articulation describing the Switch’s “quirky” performance was made by Clay News & Views, after the author began investigating the Florida accident and asked himself, “How much does water weigh?”

After reading CN&V coverage of Switch accidents, U.S. Coast Guard product safety people launched an investigation of their own. In October, the Coast Guard declared that these vessels presented a “capsizing hazard.”

“These capsizings have occurred when the vessel was operated with trim by the bow and the bow ‘digging into’ the water. Weather conditions and poor seamanship do not appear to be significant contributing factors,” investigators wrote.

Responding on social media to all this, Switch owners had mixed opinions, but most ignored the Coast Guard and echoed the BRP company line instead. The gist was that since they themselves had never flipped or come close to flipping, all the Switch operators who had must have been incompetent boat handlers. They must have had too many people forward, overloading the bow.

Clay County Sheriff Michelle Cook says Amendment 3 would force her to lay off hundreds of employees. She says her agency is so lean that nearly every dollar is already spoken for.

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Cook made those claims on Florida Unwired, a podcast produced by the News Service of Florida. She spoke with senior reporter Ana Goni-Lessan about the proposed constitutional amendment on the November ballot.

It would raise the homestead exemption from $50,000 to $150,000 in 2027 and to $250,000 in 2028. School taxes are carved out.

Sheriff Cook has campaigned against the amendment for most of September, starting with local meetings in Clay County and an appearance in a commercial made by the Florida Sheriff’s Association.

CN&V reviewed seven years of county budget documents, CCSO’s own published budgets, its 2025 annual report and the agency’s technology contracts. Several of Cook’s key figures hold up. Others conflict with her agency’s own records.

What Cook Said

Cook told the podcast that a $50 million loss in county property tax revenue would cut her budget by about $35 million. She said that would mean laying off about a third of her workforce, or 250 to 300 people.

She said all of Clay County’s property tax revenue goes to law enforcement and fire services. She said the county has no other money to cover the loss.

Cook also described her budget as almost entirely fixed. She said about $1 million of her $120 million budget is discretionary. She said 82% of her budget pays for people. She listed salaries, benefits, insurance, and FICA as costs she has “zero control over.”

Cook also embraced the phrase "defund the police." The host introduced the term and asked whether Amendment 3 would effectively defund law enforcement. Cook agreed. "This is defunding the police," she said.

She said cutting her funding without a plan to keep her employees amounts to defunding. She later said that passing the amendment would mean "turning our backs on those who need us the most."

The Claims That Hold Up

Several of Cook’s numbers match the records.

Her budget figure is accurate. The county’s tentative budget for fiscal year 2026-27 sets spending in the two sheriff’s funds at $120.9 million.

Her personnel figure is accurate. Personnel costs make up 81.8% of that spending. The share has stayed near 80% throughout her time in office.

Her funding figure is accurate. Cook said about 95% of her budget comes from property taxes. Property taxes make up about 97% of the revenue in the sheriff’s funds for 2026-27.

Her claim about property taxes is largely accurate for the new budget year. That is a recent change.

A Budget Restructured in the Amendment 3 Year

In the 2026-27 tentative budget, the county moved Fire Rescue out of the General Fund. It created a new Fire-EMS Countywide fund with $38.2 million in property tax revenue.

At the same time, the General Fund’s property tax revenue dropped to zero. It was $55.2 million the year before. Property tax flowing into the sheriff’s countywide fund rose from $56 million to $78.8 million. That is a 41% increase in one year.

The result is a budget where county property tax goes almost entirely to law enforcement and fire. That structure is new. It takes effect in the same year Amendment 3 is on the ballot.

There are possible exceptions. The 2025-26 county levy included a voter-approved conservation lands tax and a small tax for unincorporated services. CN&V could not confirm whether those continue in 2026-27.

Cook’s claim that the county has no other money is harder to support. The General Fund still holds about $87.8 million in revenue from other sources, including sales tax and state revenue sharing. Whether to move any of it to public safety would be up to the County Commission.

Budget Nearly Doubles

Cook took office in January 2021. She inherited a $62.8 million budget. The 2026-27 tentative budget is $120.9 million.

That is an increase of $58.1 million, or 92%. The budget grew every year of her tenure. It never decreased.

Here is spending in the sheriff’s funds by year, using each year’s adopted budget:

Since 2020-21, the Sheriff’s Office has nearly doubled.

Over roughly the same period, Clay County’s population grew about 9.8%. The Census counted 218,245 residents in 2020 and estimated 239,593 in 2025. Inflation from September 2020 to September 2025 was between 25% and 26%.

Personnel spending grew faster than the budget overall. It rose from $50.6 million to $98.8 million, a 95% increase.

Cook says she inherited a badly understaffed agency. She told the podcast her goal was to bring staffing up to the state average of deputies per 1,000 residents and keep pace with growth.

Her 2025 annual report lists 930 agency positions and 175 new hires. On the podcast, she said the agency has just over 900 employees.

The Clay County Board of County Commissioners approved every one of these budgets.

‘Zero Control’ and the Agency’s Own Budget

Cook said she has no control over salaries, benefits, insurance, and similar costs.

Some of those costs are set elsewhere. The Legislature sets Florida Retirement System contribution rates. FICA is federal. Health insurance premiums follow the market. In the 2025-26 budget, law enforcement benefits rose $2.2 million, or 33%.

Courthouse staffing also grew to cover two new courtrooms, which the courts decided to open.

But CCSO’s own budget documents describe other personnel growth as the result of agency decisions.

The approved 2025-26 budget explains the rise in law enforcement personnel costs. It cites CCSO’s career compensation plan, a new specialty pay program, and added staffing to improve the deputy-to-citizen ratio.

Cook’s own message in the 2025 annual report says the agency increased personnel and resources during the year to better respond to calls for service.

The sheriff decides how many people to hire and how to pay them. The cost of each employee is partly outside her control. The number of employees is not.

A Closer Look at Spending

Cook said about $1 million of her budget is discretionary. Her office’s technology contracts tell a different story.

In January 2025, Cook signed a 10-year agreement with Axon Enterprise worth $12 million. That averages about $1.2 million a year. The deal covers Tasers, body cameras, in-car cameras, drones, and the Fusus surveillance platform.

CCSO also holds multiple contracts with Flock Safety for license plate cameras and related systems. Together, they commit the agency to roughly $869,000 a year.

One five-year contract for 95 roadway cameras includes an optional upgrade to store license plate data for a full year. That upgrade alone costs $142,500.

Combined, these contracts cost about $2.1 million a year. That is about twice what Cook described as discretionary.

CCSO’s 2025 annual report lists software licensing and support as the agency’s largest non-personnel expense, at $2.65 million. The report does not say how much of that goes to Axon and Flock.

The report also says the body camera program began in 2023 after Cook identified the cameras as an industry standard. CCSO is adding them in phases. Fifty deputies received cameras in 2025. Another 100 units are planned for 2026 and 100 more for 2027.

Non-personnel spending has also grown quickly. Operating and capital costs in the sheriff’s funds rose from $18.1 million in 2024-25 to $22.2 million in 2025-26. That is a 22% increase in one year. CCSO’s budget attributes part of it to the body camera rollout and IT licensing.

Once signed, multi-year contracts can be difficult to cancel. The roadway camera agreement has no clause allowing CCSO to end it early for convenience. But the sheriff’s office decided to sign each contract.

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Other Claims Checked Against the Annual Report

Cook told the podcast her agency handles about 275,000 calls for service a year. The 2025 annual report lists 264,346.

She said CCSO receives more than 5,000 calls to 911 each month. The report lists 76,764 for the year, or about 6,400 a month.

She said the jail holds about 440 inmates on an average day. The report lists an average daily population of 392 for 2025.

Cook also warned that with fewer deputies, residents with non-emergency calls would wait much longer. The annual report gives a baseline. In 2025, average response time was 9 minutes and 14 seconds for priority calls and 13 minutes and 37 seconds for non-priority calls. The report says both improved from 2024.

Budgets Posted Online

Cook told the podcast that CCSO posts its budgets on its website so anyone can review them.

CCSO’s budget page includes the proposed and approved budgets for 2025-26. For 2026-27, it lists only the School Resource Officer budgets. As of Oct. 2, the agency’s itemized 2026-27 budget does not appear on the CCSO website or the county’s website. The new fiscal year began Oct. 1.

The only public version of the 2026-27 sheriff’s budget is the county’s fund-level total. It does not show how the money is divided among salaries, equipment, contracts, and other costs.

What Comes Next

Voters will decide the fate of Amendment 3 on Nov. 3.

Cook's choice of words matters as that vote approaches. “Defund the police” is one of the most emotionally charged phrases in American politics. Using it to describe a property tax measure invites voters to react with fear rather than weigh the numbers.

Cook’s own records show her budget nearly doubled in six years. Her layoff scenario assumes her agency would absorb $35 million of a $50 million loss. It also assumes the County Commission would not use other revenue to soften the cut.

Cook said on the podcast that she supports tax reform but wants a plan that protects public safety funding. She said she would press the state’s tax commission to take up the issue if the amendment fails.

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State Rep. Judson Sapp says Republicans who oppose Amendment 3 have strayed from the party’s conservative roots. He made the comments during a Sept. 29 interview on Florida’s Voice radio with host Drew Steele.

Sapp represents House District 20. He described it as covering parts of Clay, Putnam, St. Johns and Marion counties.

Sapp said he “got a little feisty” about Amendment 3 at the Clay County Republican Executive Committee meeting the night before. He said many Republicans thanked him afterward for speaking out.

What Amendment 3 Does

Amendment 3 comes from CS/HJR 1F, a joint resolution the Florida State Legislature passed in a 2026 special session. It would take effect Jan. 1, 2027, if voters approve it. Like all constitutional amendments in Florida, it needs 60% of the vote to pass.

The amendment raises the homestead exemption for all taxes except school taxes. The exemption would rise from $50,000 to $150,000 in 2027. It would rise to $250,000 in 2028. Starting in 2029, it would grow with inflation each year.

The school tax exemption stays at $25,000.

New residents would get a smaller break at first. People who did not live in Florida as of Dec. 31, 2026, would get a $50,000 exemption on non-school taxes. They would receive the full exemption starting in their fifth year.

The amendment also tightens the cap on yearly assessment increases for non-homestead property. That includes businesses, rental homes, and second homes. The cap would drop from 10% to 5% starting in 2027. School taxes are again left out.

The amendment adds a list of approved uses for county and city property taxes. The list includes public safety, schools, roads, stormwater, natural resources, debt payments, and employee retirement costs.

Sapp’s Case

Sapp called property tax one of the most unfair taxes in America. He said Amendment 3 aims to reduce it and could eventually eliminate it.

He said local governments across the state have told him they cannot function with any budget cut. He dismissed those warnings as scare tactics.

“When did the Republican Party become the party of big government?” Sapp asked.

He said some Republicans he respects are taking the same position as Jacksonville Democrat Angie Nixon. “That is shameful,” he said.

Sapp said he understands that local officials are trying to protect their budgets. But he said they are using tactics he once associated with Democrats.

“Many Republicans have become the pigs in ‘Animal Farm’,” he said.

He urged voters to question Republicans who oppose the amendment. If voters do not like the answers, Sapp said, they should “hold them accountable” in future primaries.

Steele told listeners that losing police or fire departments is “not gonna happen.” Sapp agreed. “It’s not going to happen,” he said.

Sapp also criticized local governments for spending on lobbyists to fight the amendment. “People who claim they have no money to run budgets, sure are spending a lot of money to stop this on lobbyists,” he said.

He closed with a broader argument. He said the state should not “force people to pay rent for the government, ‘cause that’s what every tyrant in human history has done.”

Sapp ended the interview by urging support for Republican Byron Donalds for governor. He criticized Democrat David Jolly.

What The Text Says About Fixes

Sapp said the amendment lets lawmakers “fix things as it goes along” without another constitutional amendment. He said local governments would get “a seat at the table” when lawmakers write implementing laws.

The amendment does give the Legislature several roles. Lawmakers must create a procedure that lets counties and cities raise the exemption further, up to the full value of a home.

State law may allow them to ban certain local spending. They must define key terms, such as what counts as a “qualifying improvement.” They may decide whether non-homestead property returns to full value after a sale.

The constitution sets the exemption amounts, the 5% cap, and the start dates. The Legislature cannot lower the exemption by passing a law. Any money to replace lost local revenue would have to come from outside property taxes. That could include state funding or new local taxes approved by lawmakers.

Sapp suggested the state could ease costly mandates on local governments. The first budgets affected would be those adopted in fall 2027. The Legislature’s 2027 regular session comes before then.

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The Ballot Summary And The Text

Voters will see a short summary on the ballot. Parts of it differ from the full text.

The summary says the amendment “requires, through general law, a schedule for full elimination” of homestead property taxes. The full text requires the Legislature to create a procedure for counties and cities to raise their own exemptions. The text contains no schedule. It leaves any further increase to local governments.

The summary says local governments must use remaining property taxes “solely for core public needs.” The text’s list also covers general county operations and spending approved by local officials.

The summary says new residents must wait five years for the larger exemption. Under the text, they receive it starting in their fifth year.

The Republican Record On Taxes And Spending

Sapp’s appeal to conservative principles draws on the party's long history.

In his 1981 inaugural address, President Ronald Reagan said government “is the problem.” That year he signed the Economic Recovery Tax Act.

It cut the top income tax rate from 70% to 50%. The record was mixed. Reagan also signed tax increases in 1982. Federal debt nearly tripled during his two terms.

In 1994, House Republicans campaigned on the “Contract with America”. It promised a balanced budget amendment. The amendment passed the House in 1995. It fell one vote short in the Senate.

Working with President Bill Clinton, the Republican Congress oversaw federal budget surpluses from 1998 through 2001.

The Tea Party movement grew in 2009. Supporters often said its name stood for “Taxed Enough Already,” a phrase Sapp referenced in the interview.

In the 2010 midterms, Republicans gained 63 House seats.

Florida Republicans have pushed property tax relief before. In 2008, voters approved an amendment backed by Gov. Charlie Crist, then a Republican. It doubled the homestead exemption to $50,000 for non-school taxes.

It let homeowners carry Save Our Homes savings to a new home. It also capped yearly assessment increases on non-homestead property at 10%.

In 2018, the Republican-led Legislature asked voters to raise the exemption to $75,000. The measure got about 58% of the vote. It failed because it fell short of 60%.

What Voters Decide

Amendment 3 is on the Nov. 3 general election ballot. It needs 60% approval to pass.

Acting Fire Chief (AFC) David Motes has been recorded driving over 100 mph in his county fire vehicle to calls where his presence was not required.

Motes, who is also one of several assistant county managers, is required to have the county GPS tracker activated at all times. However, he has been known to turn off his vehicle’s GPS to keep his speed and location undercover.

His efforts to be incognito may have gotten a bit more difficult on September 6, when he was involved in a one-car accident that ripped the front of his county SUV clean off. He didn’t do the front tires or wheel wells any favors either.

County policy provides a pretty simple roadmap for what is supposed to happen following an accident involving a county vehicle: Follow the law, follow the procedures and make sure the information gets to where it needs to go quickly. But it seems some of those directions took the scenic route or maybe disappeared completely with Motes’ bumper.

Florida Statute 316.065 (1) says the driver of a vehicle accident that results in injury, death or damage to any vehicle or other property in an apparent amount of at least $2,000 must notify local law enforcement or the nearest Highway Patrol Office and an accident report filed.

According to damage experts, and those in the know, fixing Motes’ county SUV will cost at least, $3,000.

Clay News & Views (CN&V) made a public records requests with law enforcement and learned that Motes didn’t report his accident.

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The county’s “Policies and Procedures Manual” requires a county employee involved in a work-related accident to report the accident to their “immediate supervisors” within an hour. Then, both the supervisors and the employee are required to fill out a report and present it to the Risk Management department within 24 hours.

CN&V emailed Motes’ immediate supervisors—County Manager Howard Wanamaker and Fire Chief Lorin Mock.

As previously reported, both Wanamaker and Mock, two of the highest paid employees in the county, had not unraveled the mystery of how to return emails. But, ever hopeful, CN&V emailed the two and asked why a police report was not filed. We also inquired if county insurance could be filed without a police report.

It appears there has been no progress with the two’s email skills. This left Communications Director Laura Christmas, who has identified herself as “lead spokesperson for the county,” to reply on their behalf.

“As this incident was not a vehicle accident, a vehicle accident report from a law enforcement agency is not required.” Christmas said.

Of the insurance coverage, Christmas said, “Vehicle and/or damage is documented and accordingly evaluated for possible insurance claim.”

The county’s policies and procedures’ requirements raise even more questions regarding Motes’ accident. The policies’ manual requires that:

• Any employee involved in a work-related accident/injury or there is damage to County or private property, regardless of the severity or significance, the employee(s) involved MUST be drug tested immediately.

• Refusal to submit to a drug test must be reported immediately to Risk Management and may lead to disciplinary action, up to and including termination of employment.

• Delaying the submission of a drug test will be grounds for disciplinary action or possible termination and may result in the accompanying workers’ compensation claim to be denied.

The same policy states the employee cannot drive a county vehicle until the results of the drug-test are received.

Since apparently, driving a county vehicle and ripping the front off does not meet the county’s definition of a vehicle accident, CN&V asked the county’s lead spokesperson to please define the county’s definition of a vehicle accident.

CN&V also asked Christmas to provide: Vehicle Accident/Incident Reports that Motes and his supervisors were required to submit to Risk Management, results of his drug test and GPS readings showing Motes’ location, time and speed at the time of his accident. We also asked when Motes returned to work after the accident, and if he presently has another county vehicle for his use?

The county’s lead spokesperson replied that she forwarded CN&V’s requests for records and the questions to the county’s public records department. County records charges CN&V $50 an hour to provide records and will, most likely, have to obtain most of the information from the county’s lead spokesperson.

Even though official records may be pending for a while, insiders were none-too-happy about the exceptions made to allow Motes to forgo state and county requirements. They were also all too willing to discuss details about Motes’ accident—both to CN&V and on numerous Facebook posts.

Sources said on September 6, rescuers were dispatched to a residence for help with “health issues.” They had been called to the residence before and were well-acquainted with the patient. Employees said the scene was safe and an engine and rescue were at the residence rendering aid. Crews said the incident did not require or need Motes’ appearance, and that it was not normal for him to appear on such a call.

Fire crews said supervisors were blaming the “conditions of the road” for Motes’ accident, but crews said the large fire engine and the rescue vehicle had “no issues at all” navigating the road.

The GPS readouts, available only if the GPS was actually turned on, have been closely guarded.

Insiders said an insurance claim has not and will not be filed; County taxpayers will be footing the bill for Motes’ SUV accident.

Sources said Motes did not take a drug test. They said when rank-and-file are involved in even a small “fender-bender” the county requires an immediate drug test and a (union-mandated) field sobriety test for alcohol. (Motes is not a union member.)

They also said they were relieved of duty until all results were available.

The first responders of Clay County Fire Rescue are working and sleeping in quarters that has been plagued with rats, mold, and mildew—conditions that cause serious illnesses. Those who have had work-related conditions say they have received little support from upper management.

Rescuers have been tasked to save lives with missing and inadequate equipment. Former and present fire rescuers said at least three in upper management have vigorously taken part in hazing, so they have turned a blind eye to allow a culture of serious and dangerous hazing to persist.

Motes’ preferential treatment has added to the already low moral documented in anonymous county and union surveys in Clay’s Fire service.

Employees believe Acting Chief Motes will outrun the consequences of his accident-that-was-not-an-accident. Rescuers say with 39 years in, Motes also continues outrunning their calls for his retirement.

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Clay County School Board Chair Erin Skipper said she does not want a cap on how much booster clubs can pay coaches. She made the comments at a September 22nd School Board workshop.

District staff presented new rules for school support organizations, commonly called booster clubs. Under the rules, boosters cannot fund coach pay during the 2026-27 school year.

Staff pointed to unresolved legal questions, including Title IX, the federal law barring sex discrimination in education.

Two board members criticized Title IX during the discussion. Board member Michele Hanson said the law “has become a handicap” at the college level. Skipper said of the equity argument, “I don’t agree with this.”

New Rules For Booster Clubs

Chief of Secondary Education Dr. Michael George and District Athletics and Development Coordinator Christina Thompson presented the rules. George joined the district about two months ago. He said staff reviewed booster bylaws from neighboring counties and a neighboring state.

George described boosters as independent nonprofits led by parents and community members. He said they add to what the district provides. They cannot replace a program’s budget.

Under the proposed rules, principals have the final say over booster fundraising and spending. Skipper asked whether that came from state law. George said it was the district’s choice.

Skipper raised a concern about that authority. “I just don’t want the principal to hold the booster back,” she said. George said he would rather give that authority to the school leader.

Board member Ashley Gilhousen asked about a grievance process for disputes. George said district staff is building a playbook to handle those cases.

Other rules include:

• Booster donations flow through school internal accounts under Policy 6608.

• Donors can earmark money for a specific purpose, such as football helmets. Staff said the district will create a designated fund to track it.

• Equipment purchases go through district purchasing after principal approval. Staff said this ensures items meet safety standards.

• School employees cannot handle booster money or sign for a booster.

• Fundraisers require two people to handle cash. Deposits are due within four business days.

• Any booster raising $100,000 or more gets an automatic audit. George said the state threshold is $250,000.

• Boosters must carry their own insurance.

• Boosters can use school names and logos only with written principal approval. They must also appear on the district’s list of compliant organizations under Policy 9215.

Boosters can still hold raffles. Staff said those must take place off school property because of state gambling laws.

No Booster-Funded Coach Pay This Year

Thompson said state law now gives school boards the option to allow booster-funded payments to coaches. She said that option is not automatic. It also does not protect the district from liability.

For the 2026-27 school year, boosters cannot fund stipends or supplements for coaches, activity directors, or club sponsors. Thompson said the first year gives boosters time to learn the compliance rules.

It also gives the district time to design a pay plan that is “sustainable,” “compliant,” and “equitable.”

Thompson said neighboring districts are not yet considering booster-funded coach pay. She said Clay County could gain a competitive edge by building a process with safeguards.

George said other districts are holding back on purpose. “I think a lot of people are just waiting for someone to jump in and see what happens,” he said.

Staff want boosters up and running by January. George said the district plans to take up coach pay through boosters next summer.

Thompson said any plan would need a recommendation from Superintendent David Broskie and a board vote. She said staff has discussed a possible cap on booster-funded pay, but no proposal is final.

Skipper Wants No Cap

Skipper said she wanted the board to know where each member stands before year two. She made her own position clear.

“Moving forward in year two, I personally do not want guardrails,” she said.

Skipper offered an example. A donor pledges $100,000 a year for five years to pay a specific coach. She said the district should not turn that donor away.

“I shouldn’t have to tell them, no, because there’s a policy that says you can’t be paid this because this organization is upset or this one doesn’t feel like it’s fair,” she said.

Board member Robert Alvero backed her. “We should not limit them on how much that group wants to pay the coach,” he said.

Thompson raised another risk. A booster could promise a coach $100,000 and then fail to raise it the next year. She also described a donor whose son stops playing and who then wants to cut the coach’s pay. “There’s a lot of combative issues that could occur,” she said.

The Title IX Debate

George said the main reason districts are waiting is Title IX. He said no one knows yet whether heavy booster spending on one sport over another would count as a violation.

Hanson first said she could see both sides. “Ideally I like the fact that there’s no cap, but I can see how legally there could be problems,” she said.

Gilhousen explained how Title IX works. “It’s not about a dollar amount; it’s about equity,” she said. She gave an example. A football booster raises $100,000, and a girls volleyball booster raises $100.

The football money stays with football because the donor restricted it. But the district must spend its money equitably year over year.”

Skipper pushed back. “This is very, very—I don’t agree with this,” she said. She then added, “I shouldn’t say I don’t care about equity; I don’t mean it like that.”

Skipper said boosters should compete. “This isn’t the YMCA,” she said. “It’s a competitive market, like go, go fundraise.”

She asked whether Title IX even applies to boosters. Thompson said it does. She said the district invites boosters in, so district equity standards apply.

Broskie backed the staff approach. He said Title IX is tied to the district’s federal and state funding. He said the district does not want “some administrative bureaucrat coming later” with a Title IX claim.

“It’s just crazy to me because what is the point of getting ahead if you’re going to be held back?” Skipper said.

Later in the discussion, Hanson turned critical of the law. “I do feel like at the college level, Title IX has become a handicap,” she said. “Like, you know you’re going to get so much money for your softball program, whether you work at it or not, right?”

Hanson said she would rather see booster money go to programs than to top coaching salaries. She said some groups turn down travel opportunities because they lack the money.

Board member Beth Clark did not comment during the discussion.

What Title IX Requires

Title IX is part of the Education Amendments of 1972. It bars sex discrimination in any education program that receives federal money. That includes public school athletics.

Federal rules require schools to provide equal athletic opportunity for boys and girls. Regulators look at areas such as equipment, facilities, travel, and coaching. Coach assignments and pay are among the listed factors.

Thompson said Title IX covers more than dollar amounts. She gave the example of lighting. If the baseball field has lights, the softball field needs lights too.

What Comes Next

The School Board asked staff to return in six months with an update. That would put the next report around March 2027.

George said staff will use that time to train employees and finish a booster playbook. Boosters would then start in January. Thompson said staff will also consult the district’s lawyers and follow how other districts handle the issue.

The workshop was a discussion session. The board took no vote on the booster rules or coach pay.

CN&V will continue to follow the booster rules as the board takes up coach pay next year.

Are you frustrated with the rising price of gas—and everything else? Are you baffled by the three-week war that we have won 20 times but still requires a full-court press by American armed forces? And who the heck are the Houthis anyway?

Well, there’s a guy in Orange Park that can shed some light on why the Straits of Hormuz has been such a tough nut to crack.

He can also tell you why any nation should think twice before it tries to mess with the Houthis, who, by the way, are well on their way to controlling another key strait at the entrance to the Red Sea.

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Naw, he’s not some liberal academic in our midst. Matt Braken is a retired Navy Seal, author of a series of “near-future, libertarian-leaning, dystopian political thrillers.” And he’s a hardcore defender of the Second Amendment. He describes himself as an “old frogman.” In his spare time, he cares for a 46-foot, steel sailboat he built himself.

Critics call him a conspiracist and a right-wing nationalist, but anyone who reads his essays below will discover a nuanced thinker with a focus on strategy, not ideology. His works are published on Substack, the same platform that brings you Clay News & Views.

Matthew’s Substack

Surprising Yemen

Zoom in on Google Earth, or search Google images, and you will be amazed by the extensive terrace farming across Western Yemen. All these hand-made rock walls, built to trap the rainfall on level terrace fields, took many generations to build. The people who live here feel a connection to the land and to the ancestors who constructed them is immeasurabl…

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a month ago · 141 likes · 32 comments · Matt Bracken

Matthew’s Substack

A Terrain Study for the Battle of the Strait of Hormuz

After following the latest news from both sides, and listening to this morning's Pentagon brief, it's becoming clear to me that the new American "safe passage guidance" plan is to steer shipping through the inshore southern “local traffic” channel near Oman. Jazirat Salamah is the northernmost outcropping of Omani Territory, and guards this inshore ship…

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6 months ago · 89 likes · 28 comments · Matt Bracken

Bracken’s Books

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Across the country, officers with access to Flock’s network have been caught using it to track women they were romantically interested in.

Independent security researchers say the cameras themselves can be broken into in under a minute. Both problems were the subject of a U.S. Senate hearing this week, and both are directly relevant to the roughly 220 Flock devices now under contract in Clay County.

The Institute for Justice, a nonprofit law firm that has sued Flock on Fourth Amendment grounds, maintains a public database of documented cases.

As of this month, it lists 244 separate incidents nationwide, and the organization says that number likely understates the real total, since it only captures cases serious enough to end in firing, resignation, or arrest.

A Pattern Of Officers Using The Network To Stalk Women

The pattern repeats across states and departments, month after month.

In Indianapolis, prosecutors charged five current or former police officers this week with fraud and official misconduct after finding they used the department’s Flock system to track people not suspected of any crime, including former romantic partners and women they met on patrol.

One of the five, an eighteen-year veteran named Jonathan Schultz, was also charged with two counts of stalking after allegedly telling a woman he was an FBI agent and following her. A separate officer in the same case allegedly looked up his ex-wife’s car location more than 950 times in six months.

Kechi, Kansas, a police lieutenant pleaded guilty to computer crime and stalking after using Flock cameras to track his estranged wife.

In Jerome County, Idaho, the sheriff himself used the system to search for his wife’s vehicle hundreds of times; the state attorney general found no crime had been committed, but he retired two years before his term ended.

Richmond County, Georgia, three sheriff’s deputies were arrested after allegedly misusing the system more than 100 times each, and a separate former deputy there was arrested for allegedly searching for a woman he was having an affair with 1,639 times.

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Milwaukee, an officer resigned after allegedly using the network to track a romantic partner and one of her exes nearly 180 times over two months. The detective assigned to investigate that officer’s misconduct was later charged himself, after allegedly using the same system to track two other people for a year.

Menasha, Wisconsin, a different officer was charged with misconduct after his ex-girlfriend filed a complaint alleging he had used Flock cameras to track her.

Lufkin, Texas, an officer was indicted on 100 felony counts after allegedly searching for his ex-girlfriend and people she knew more than 10,000 times. The department disabled all of its Flock cameras afterward.

Habersham County, Georgia, a deputy was fired and criminally charged after an internal audit found he used the system to track a person he was in a relationship with, prompting the sheriff’s office to tighten its Flock use policy.

Bibb County, Georgia, three former deputies were charged with stalking in a single scandal.

A federal class-action lawsuit filed in August, Schulte v. Flock Group Inc., accuses the company of failing to safeguard its system against this kind of misuse despite knowing about it.

The suit points to a separate finding that some officers retained access to Flock cameras even after being fired from their departments, because multi-factor authentication on accounts is optional rather than required.

A Flock executive confirmed this to reporters, saying MFA “is on by default for all of our customers, but they can choose to opt out of it if they so choose.”

Flock’s own public response has been to describe the abuse as rare. The company told 404 Media it is “aware of 15 incidents of abuse” and that with 140,000 monthly active users, “the relatively rare instances of abuse, while obviously wrong and awful, are exactly that, rare.”

The company added that its system logs activity, which is how it catches misuse after the fact.

A Cluster Of Cases In Florida

The pattern is not confined to other states. At least a dozen documented cases have surfaced at Florida agencies, several in counties bordering Clay County’s own coverage area.

Volusia County, a Flock capture misidentified Lindsey Isaacs’ vehicle in a fatal Interstate 4 crash, leading to her wrongful jailing for 13 days. Her case is covered in detail below.

Port St. Lucie, a Florida Highway Patrol trooper was arrested after sending Flock data and license plate photos over Snapchat to others.

Indian River County, a sheriff’s sergeant was placed on leave after a reporter asked the department about possible Flock misuse.

Brevard County, a former deputy previously named the department’s Deputy of the Year resigned after an investigation uncovered what officials called “egregious misconduct,” including looking up an ex-girlfriend’s plate on Flock.

Sumter County, a detective was fired and criminally charged after using Flock and other police databases to track her husband’s ex-wife; the sheriff there suspended the county’s entire Flock camera network in response.

Niceville, a former officer pleaded no contest after an internal audit found he used Flock to track another officer and that officer’s spouse.

Fort Pierce, an officer was charged with four database-misuse felonies after allegedly tracking an ex-girlfriend hundreds of times, a case that came to light only after a media outlet contacted the department.

The same pattern, misuse surfacing only once a reporter asked, repeated in Sarasota, where a former officer was fired and arrested after looking up a plate hundreds of times for personal reasons.

Haines City, an officer was arrested after searching Flock for his estranged wife’s car more than 700 times over roughly two years.

Orange City, an officer allegedly used ALPRs to stalk his girlfriend and her family members more than 100 times over seven months.

Key West, a sheriff’s deputy allegedly used a license-plate-reader system to track and eventually pull over a woman he had met while providing security on a television set.

These documented cases in a single state are, on their own, a reasonable basis for CCSO to be asked directly whether it has ever audited its own account access for the same pattern.

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Wrongful Stops At Gunpoint From Misread Plates

A second, distinct category of documented harm involves the technology working exactly as designed and still producing a dangerous mistake.

In Toledo, Ohio, a camera misread a “7” as a “2,” leading officers to detain an innocent driver at gunpoint, deploy a police dog, and jail him for hours.

In Morristown, Tennessee, a misread “O” as “0” led to grandparents being held at gunpoint while their three-year-old granddaughter watched from the car.

In Detroit, a misinterpreted alert led to an innocent woman being detained at gunpoint with her autistic child placed in the back of a squad car, and her vehicle impounded for weeks. The city later settled a lawsuit.

In Espanola, New Mexico, a misread digit led to two sisters being detained at gunpoint, and a separate incorrect entry in the same jurisdiction led to a teenager being held at gunpoint.

In Sherwood, Arkansas, a single misread character led an innocent couple to be ordered out of their car at gunpoint.

In San Diego, a misidentification jailed an innocent man for nearly a month over a crime he was five miles away from at the time it happened.

A Business Insider analysis of Roseville, California’s system found Flock sent 1,427 theft or felony alerts to police over two years, and 71 percent of them involved an incorrect plate read.

A Florida Case Now Before The U.S. Senate

The clearest example of what can go wrong sits close to home. Lindsey Isaacs, 23, of Palm Coast, spent 13 days in jail on eight felony charges, including three counts of vehicular homicide.

She was charged after a Flock camera search pointed investigators toward her SUV following an October 2025 crash on Interstate 4 that killed three people, including a Flagler County deputy administrator and his wife.

Multiple 911 callers had described the suspect vehicle as a maroon Dodge Durango with a partial plate. Isaacs owned a black Durango. According to her attorneys, investigators pursued her vehicle anyway, and a later examination found no crash damage. Prosecutors dropped the charges and arrested a different driver.

Isaacs testified this week before the U.S. Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime and Counterterrorism, at a hearing titled “Always Watching: Flock’s Nationwide AI Surveillance Network.” She is not suing Flock itself.

Her attorneys argue the camera worked exactly as designed, accurately logging her vehicle’s location. Their lawsuit instead targets the Florida Highway Patrol investigators, accusing them of ignoring evidence and misusing the data to force an arrest.

“I came here today because I want you to understand that surveillance technology does not exist in a vacuum,” Isaacs told the panel. “Information collected by technology can become part of an investigation that affects a real human being.”

Her case makes a point worth sitting with for Clay County specifically. The technology can perform exactly as advertised and still produce a wrongful arrest, a 13-day jailing, and a lawsuit, once the data reaches investigators willing to read it selectively.

Researchers Say The Cameras Themselves Can Be Hacked In Under A Minute

The same Senate hearing featured testimony from Benn Jordan, a musician and independent cybersecurity researcher who spent much of 2025 investigating Flock’s hardware and software.

Jordan testified that, working with security engineer Jon Gaines, known online as GainSec, he identified 55 separate security vulnerabilities in Flock’s systems.

Jordan’s video on the subject, titled “We Hacked Flock Safety Cameras in Under 30 Seconds,” demonstrated a physical exploit. Flock’s cameras run on Android. Pressing a specific, undisclosed sequence of buttons on the back of a unit creates an open Wi-Fi hotspot.

From there, anyone nearby can connect, enable developer access, and gain what Gaines described as essentially full control of the device. The cameras also have exposed USB ports, meaning a small malicious USB device disguised as a keyboard can be plugged in to run commands automatically.

Jordan separately found that some Flock Condor cameras, the pan-tilt-zoom video units, were broadcasting live and archived footage directly to the open internet with no password required. In one recorded instance, Jordan located a camera, remotely zoomed in on a stranger’s phone screen as the man paused on a bike path, and read what was displayed.

He also found that Flock’s cameras store sensitive data, including photographs, license plate information, system logs, API keys, and passwords, in ways that were not adequately protected. That research led him to Flock law enforcement accounts for sale on a dark web marketplace, which he traced to a Russian vendor.

Gaines, describing his broader findings on a security podcast, said the vulnerabilities include remote code execution flaws serious enough that an attacker within wireless range could potentially interact with a camera’s systems without ever touching the device physically.

Flock has publicly disputed the severity of Jordan’s findings. In one video, Jordan used a compromised camera in Brookhaven, Georgia, to record himself reading Flock’s own denial statement back into the camera it was describing.

Jordan has said his goal is not to end the technology but to force independent, third-party security audits of surveillance vendors, comparing the idea to routine health inspections. “My big compromise that I’ve been proposing is to just have an independent security audit of any surveillance vendor,” Jordan said.

What This Means For Clay County

Nothing in this piece alleges that a Clay County Sheriff’s Office employee has misused the Flock system, and no CCSO-specific case appears in the Institute for Justice’s public database as of this writing.

What is documented is this. Clay County has committed to roughly $897,500 a year across at least 16 contracts covering more than 220 Flock devices, including the same Falcon and Condor camera lines Benn Jordan’s research found vulnerable.

The cameras are running on the same FlockOS platform that has produced at least 244 documented cases nationwide, twelve of them in Florida alone, of officers using it to track people they had no legitimate reason to track.

CCSO has not disclosed whether it requires multi-factor authentication for its own FlockOS accounts, what its internal usage audit policy is, or whether it has ever reviewed any account access for misuse. Those are direct, answerable questions this outlet has now put to the department.

Clay County Superintendent David Broskie told the School Board on September 3 that a third-party investigation into the district’s volunteer screening led to nine policy changes. The timeline does not support that claim.

Clay News & Views has reviewed board meeting records from July 23, August 6, and September 3. The nine recommendations Broskie credited to the outside investigator match a list the district’s own safety director presented publicly three weeks before that investigator, by Broskie’s own account, had reported any findings.

CN&V has also been seeking the investigation report itself since September 3. The district has twice cited exemptions that do not match Florida’s public records law.

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The Case

Mikal Detoro volunteered as a wrestling coach at Wilkinson Junior High until his arrest in April. The Jacksonville Sheriff’s Office says he was caught in a sting operation, attempting to have sex with an underage boy in his Jeep. CN&V has reported that Detoro did not have a completed, cleared Level 2 background check, and that his criminal record dates back to 2008.

Detoro’s brother, Mark, is the head wrestling coach at Ridgeview High School. Mark and his wife, Whitni, own Iron Forge Wrestling Academy, which operates inside Ridgeview’s gym.

The Timeline

On July 23, district safety director Matt Boyack presented nine recommendations on volunteer screening to the School Board at a workshop meeting. The list included tighter background screening, clearer distinctions between Level 1 and Level 2 volunteers, more consistent handbooks, and a new district portal for tracking volunteers.

On August 6, Broskie told the board he had ordered both an internal investigation and an external investigation by a Tallahassee law firm. He said the findings would determine whether employees had violated policy. At that point, no findings had been reported publicly.

On September 3, Broskie updated the board; he said:

“We conducted an independent investigation by a third-party investigator out of Tallahassee. As a result of that, their recommendation was really nine things that have already been instituted.”

He went on to list the same nine items Boyack had presented on July 23: rescinding and replacing Board Policy 9200, expanding Level 2 background checks to more volunteer categories, raising the standard for Level 1 volunteers, aligning district handbooks, improving the volunteer application process, training employees, having principals and coaches sign attestations, reviewing about 3,000 existing Level 2 files, and creating a new “One Clay” portal for tracking volunteers.

Broskie also said discipline had been completed. “Appropriate disciplinary action was taken and applied to those people responsible for policy and communication oversights,” he said. “They’ve completed their work.”

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The Gap

The recommendations Broskie credited to the outside investigator were already public before that investigator, by his own account, had reported anything.

At most, his September 3 remarks describe an outside investigator reviewing and endorsing a list the district’s own staff had already presented.

Broskie did not name the investigator or the firm. He did not say what the firm found, how Detoro came to serve as a volunteer without a completed background check, or who was disciplined and how.

He did not mention Iron Forge, Mark Detoro’s coaching role, or two earlier cases CN&V has reported involving Clay County wrestling programs.

The Records Delay

CN&V requested the full investigation report on September 3. After more than two weeks without a status update, CN&V sent a written follow-up on September 21.

The district responded the same day. In an email from its public records department, the district stated that its legal team had reviewed the request and determined the report is exempt under “Florida Statutes 119.071(d)1 and 119.07(3)(d).”

Neither citation matches the current text of Florida’s public records law. The first is missing a subsection number required to identify a specific exemption under section 119.071.

The second, section 119.07(3)(d), does not appear to exist. Section 119.07 sets out the general right to inspect and copy public records and does not contain a lettered list of exemptions; Florida’s substantive exemptions are codified in section 119.071.

One possibility is that the district intended to cite section 119.071(2)(k), which exempts a complaint of misconduct against an agency employee and the resulting investigation until the investigation is no longer active or the agency notifies the employee in writing that it has concluded.

Broskie’s own September 3 statement that discipline “has been taken and applied” and that the investigators “have completed their work” would appear to satisfy that condition.

CN&V has asked the district to provide a complete and accurate citation, along with a written statement of the basis for any exemption, as required under section 119.07(1)(e) and (f), Florida Statutes.

Unanswered Questions

CN&V sent written questions to Broskie and the district on September 21, with a response deadline of end of business Wednesday, September 24. The questions include:

• Who is the outside investigator, and when was the firm engaged?

• Were the nine recommendations written by the investigator, by Boyack, or both?

• Did the investigation determine how Detoro volunteered without a completed background check?

• How many employees were disciplined, and what discipline was applied?

• Does the new policy apply to outside organizations that use district facilities, such as Iron Forge?

• Has Mark Detoro’s role at Ridgeview changed since April?

• What did the outside investigation cost, and will the district release the report?

The district had not responded to those questions at the time of publication.

This story will be updated with any response from the district or Superintendent Broskie.

This is an analysis piece. It reflects the views of the author.

Flock Safety founder and CEO Garrett Langley has been consistent and direct about his company’s goal. “Our mission is to eliminate crime. Full stop,” he wrote in a company blog post.

In a 2025 Forbes interview, he put it even more plainly. “I think we can have a crime-free city and civil liberties… We can have it all,” he said.

It’s worth taking that mission seriously. Clay County has spent close to $1.76 million taking him up on it. And it’s worth asking a harder question than whether the technology works.

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What happens when a government, any government, adopts “eliminate crime, full stop” as an organizing goal? What happens when it builds the total-information infrastructure it believes that goal requires?

To be clear about what this piece is arguing, and what it isn’t: this is not a claim that Garrett Langley is an authoritarian, or that Flock Safety is secretly building a police state. At least not on purpose.

It’s a narrower and, I think, more useful claim. The specific logic Langley is using, that enough surveillance, enough data, and enough integration can drive crime to zero, is not a new idea.

Regimes with far less benign intentions than those of a Georgia Tech-founded public safety company have tried it before. Every one of them failed to eliminate crime.

What they built instead, in pursuit of that promise, was some of the most invasive surveillance and social control apparatuses in modern history. The tools being sold today don’t come with an ideology attached.

But once built and normalized, the same tools are available to whoever holds power next.

The Promise That’s Been Made Before

The Soviet Union built its entire theory of criminal justice on a promise to eliminate crime, not eventually reduce it, but eliminate it outright. Lenin argued in The State and Revolution that crime was a product of capitalist exploitation.

He believed that removing exploitation would cause crime to disappear entirely, and that the state itself would become unnecessary.

By the 1960s, Soviet leaders were publicly predicting a fully crime-free communist society was roughly twenty years away. It never arrived.

What arrived in the meantime was a state that used its promise of an eventual crime-free utopia to justify total control in the present.

That meant a vast informant network, arbitrary detention, and a press and academic establishment that suppressed any data suggesting the promise wasn’t being kept.

East Germany’s Stasi operated on a related but more mechanical premise. The idea was that sufficiently total surveillance could prevent virtually all crime and dissent before it happened.

Informants were embedded so densely that an estimated one in every sixty citizens was reporting to the state in some capacity.

The Stasi didn’t meaningfully distinguish between preventing crime and preventing dissent. Once the goal is “eliminate all of it,” the two categories tend to collapse into each other. Whatever threatens order gets classified as the problem to be surveilled away.

Nazi Germany’s criminal police built out a doctrine called vorbeugende Verbrechensbekämpfung, or “preventive crime fighting.” It reframed crime as something to be identified and removed before it occurred, rather than punished after the fact.

In practice, this meant “preventive detention” of people the regime classified as habitual criminals or “asocials,” often without any crime having been committed at all. The stated goal was a racially and socially “pure” community, understood as inherently crime-free once the right people had been removed from it.

Modern China offers the clearest living example of this same logic, deployed at a scale Flock’s marketing materials explicitly gesture toward. The government’s “Peaceful China” (平安中国) campaign and its “Skynet” and “Sharp Eyes” camera networks combine facial recognition, license plate tracking, and predictive policing into a single state platform.

They are marketed using nearly identical language to Flock’s own: comprehensive data, comprehensive cameras, comprehensive crime reduction.

In Xinjiang, that same infrastructure has been used to enable one of the most extensive documented surveillance regimes against an ethnic and religious minority in the modern world. It has been justified throughout as counterterrorism and crime prevention.

What These Examples Have in Common

None of these regimes actually eliminated crime. What they had in common wasn’t success. It was the use of an unfalsifiable, always-just-out-of-reach promise of a crime-free society to justify surveillance and control that expanded well past whatever the original crime-reduction rationale could support.

Once “eliminate crime” is the mission, there is no natural stopping point. No level of camera coverage, data retention, or network integration fully satisfies “full stop.” There is only ever a case for more.

Where the Comparison Breaks Down, and Where It Doesn’t

This is also where it’s important to be honest about the comparison's limits. Flock Safety is a private company selling equipment to democratically elected and appointed officials.

It operates under the Fourth Amendment, Florida’s public records law, and at least nominal judicial oversight. None of those constraints existed in the USSR, East Germany, or Nazi Germany, and they barely exist in China today.

Clay County residents can vote out a sheriff or a commissioner. Soviet citizens could not vote out the Politburo.

But this series of reporting has also documented what's already happening in Clay County alone. A 95-camera network has a year of data retention, not the advertised 30 days.

A 104-device system is built explicitly to absorb private citizens’ camera feeds into a government-searchable network under a “public/private partnership.”

The system integrates live 911 dispatch data with camera feeds in real time. A $221,300 contract is for a system explicitly marketed using the language of a “real-time crime center.”

Six-figure, multi-year commitments were signed without a public vote. None of that required an authoritarian government.

It required only a sheriff’s office, a compliant vendor, and a mission statement, “eliminate crime, full stop,” flexible enough to justify each next expansion as the logical continuation of the last.

Langley himself has faced sustained scrutiny this year following documented cases of Flock technology being misused by individual officers to stalk and surveil private citizens.

In response, he has begun calling for “compromise” between privacy and safety. That’s a notable shift from “full stop.” It suggests that even Flock’s own leadership is discovering what history already showed.

An absolute goal, pursued through total information, tends to produce outcomes its architects didn’t originally intend. By the time that becomes clear, the infrastructure is already built, funded, and hard to unwind.

That last part isn’t hypothetical for Clay County. As this outlet has reported, the county’s largest camera contract carries a five-year term with no clause allowing the county to simply change its mind and walk away.

The infrastructure, in other words, tends to outlast the debate about whether it should exist.

This is an opinion and analysis piece. Clay News & Views’ ongoing reporting on the facts of Clay County’s Flock Safety contracts can be found in our series on the contracts and equipment involved.

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Clay County Tax Collector Diane Hutchings reported $216,879 in income from Ancora LLC on her newly filed 2025 Form 6, the annual financial disclosure required of Florida constitutional officers. The filing was submitted to the Commission on Ethics on August 16, 2026.

The figure marks a sharp increase from what CN&V previously reported. Earlier Form 6 filings showed Hutchings receiving $5,000 annually from Ancora. The new disclosure shows more than 40 times that amount for 2025.

Hutchings also listed her “Interest in Ancora LLC” as an asset on the same form, valued at $216,879. That is the same figure she reported as income from the company.

Ancora LLC is the private management company Hutchings helped establish a few months before stepping down from the founding board of St. Johns Classical Academy (SJCA), a public charter school in Clay County.

Ancora holds a contract with SJCA entitling it to 10 percent of the school’s revenue for services including staffing, building and grounds maintenance, records management, and student recruitment.

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The new filing also shows Ancora has expanded beyond SJCA. It lists Treasure Coast Classical Academy in Stuart, Florida, as a second “major source of business income,” alongside St. Johns Classical Academy. Both are identified on the form as education service providers.

Hutchings reported a net worth of $1,930,489 as of December 31, 2025. Her disclosed assets include a home in Green Cove Springs valued at $850,000, an IRA worth $864,733, and a 2024 Lincoln Navigator valued at $75,000. She reported $190,705 in income from her elected position as tax collector, separate from the Ancora figure.

Because Ancora is a private, for-profit LLC, its own tax and financial records are not subject to public disclosure. It remains unclear how much of the money the school pays Ancora goes toward the services outlined in its contract, and how much represents profit distributed to Hutchings and co-manager Amy Miller.

CN&V sent Hutchings three questions on the disclosure. She responded before the deadline, from her Clay County Tax Collector email address.

Asked what accounted for the jump from $5,000 to $216,879, Hutchings said Ancora works with other entities beyond SJCA, both private and public. She said the figure is “simply the value of the organization” that she paid taxes on and is required to report.

Asked whether the $216,879 was her personal take-home pay or included funds covering Ancora’s operating costs, Hutchings said the number reflects the company's valuation, not her personal income. She said state law requires her to report that value on her financial disclosure.

Her Form 6 lists the $216,879 under a section titled “Name of Source of Income Exceeding $1,000,” alongside her tax collector salary. The same figure also appears separately as an asset value for her “Interest in Ancora LLC.”

Asked whether she would support making Ancora’s own finances public, given that its SJCA contract is funded by public charter school revenue, Hutchings said Ancora is a privately held company and a vendor of St. Johns Classical Academy and other clients.

CN&V sent a follow-up round of questions asking Hutchings to explain the basis for reporting a company valuation as income, how it calculated that valuation, and how it compares to Ancora’s known contract revenue from SJCA and Treasure Coast Classical Academy.

Hutchings did not answer the follow-up questions in writing. Instead, she replied from a personal email address, separate from the government account used for her first response, asking to meet in person so she could ask CN&V questions.

CN&V responded by asking Hutchings to answer the written follow-up questions before any meeting. The reply also stated that editor Peter Swanson would attend any meeting, requested the meeting be held at a public venue, and asked Hutchings to clarify whether she intended the conversation to be on or off the record and what she planned to discuss.

As of publication, Hutchings has not answered the follow-up questions or responded to the meeting conditions.

This story may be updated as new information becomes available.

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According to multiple sources, a rookie firefighter at Clay County Fire Rescue (CCFR) Station 15 in Lake Asbury was the alleged victim of a dangerous “hazing” by co-workers.

Several months ago, the sources said, an “initiation” of the recruit allegedly turned violent when he was stripped, restrained for an extended period, battered and forced outside naked during his shift by co-workers.

Insiders said the alleged assault was reported and an internal investigation was conducted by upper management. The investigation, they said, resulted in “verbal warnings.”

In emails to County Manager Howard Wanamaker and Fire Chief Lorin Mock on September 8, Clay News & Views (CN&V) asked to see the complaint and internal investigation regarding the Station 15 hazing incident. The employee’s name was included.

Clay’s rescuers told CN&V that violent hazing was customary in some firehouses in the county and noted times, dates, firehouses and the names of victims who had been previously hazed—many times violently. Because of this information, CN&V also requested to meet with Wanamaker and Mock to discuss the behaviors and possible remedies to stop the misconduct.

Neither Wanamaker nor Mock have developed a reputation for returning emails. However, Director of Communications, Laura Christmas, who said she is the “lead spokesperson for the county,” did respond by email on September 9.

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Christmas said the county was “unaware of any hazing incidents” in CCFR and stated the County Personnel Policies and Fire Rescue Standard Operating Procedures “prohibit inappropriate behavior and harassment among employees.”

The lead spokesperson did admit in the same email that the county was, however, “investigating an incident regarding alleged improper behavior at Station 15.”

She said the county could not comment until the investigation was complete. No meeting could be set with Wanamaker and Mock.

Clay County’s current Personnel Policies Manual states that the county’s goal is to provide a “safe and secure workplace” for all employees and volunteers. The manual does not mention “hazing” by name but strictly forbids:

Threats, threatening behavior, or acts of violence against team members, volunteers, visitors, or other individuals on county property.

Policies also ban “Fighting…dangerous horseplay while on duty or on County property… ” and require all employees to report any violations immediately to their supervisor, the Personnel Director, or the County Manager.

The “Moral Turpitude” and “Breach of Peace” section of the manual calls the banned behavior “criminal.” The policies guarantee any violation “will result in disciplinary action, up to and including termination from employment, and arrest and prosecution as determined by the appropriate law enforcement authorities.”

A law enforcement official told CN&V that the behavior described at Station 15 was “criminal” and said participants could be charged with kidnapping and battery as well as other offenses. The official said the incident should have been reported to the Clay County Sheriff’s Office (CCSO).

CN&V contacted the CCSO. No report has been made to date about any behavior at Station 15.

A very similar hazing incident was alleged and reported at Fire Station 21 in Ocala, Marion County on November 6, 2025.

Marion County Fire Chief James Banta took a markedly different approach to the violent hazing incident than Clay County’s officials have taken in response to the allegations at Station 15.

When the hazing was discovered, Banta immediately alerted county officials, including the Board of County Commissioners and the Marion County Sheriff’s Office. He also held a press briefing, condeming the incident and supporting an investigation and the victim.

Four Marion County Fire Rescue employees were arrested for criminal behavior including kidnapping, battery, and related offenses. Six more employees were fired, including all on-duty leadership.

The victim sued, and Marion County settled quickly. The settlement amount was confidential, but the workers’ comp portion paid the victim $100,000.

CN&V contacted all five Clay County Commissioners. None of them had heard anything about the incident.

Supporters of hazing in firehouses, even when it is vicious, say it is an important rite of passage, promotes camaraderie, brotherhood, and toughens recruits up. “People who don’t like it are snowflakes with no business being in the fire service anyway,” has become a familiar reported mantra.

But psychiatrists, psychologists, and researchers who study hazing in the fire service have proven it creates an atmosphere of separation, fear, and distrust, where misconduct, abuse, and illegal activities thrive.

Experts say hazing is extremely dangerous in the fire service because rescuers are constantly exposed to traumatic encounters in their job, which causes a high rate of PTSD and increases the rates of suicide.

The research shows hazing begins at the top, where supervisors knew, or realistically should have known, but didn’t stop the abusive and illegal conduct.

When hazing is allowed at firehouses, researchers say, the problem is no longer limited to the rescuers who carry it out; it is a serious failure of leadership and supervision.

Using firehouse inspection reports, anonymous surveys from fire personnel, and personal testimonies, Clay News & Views has detailed the alarming number of significant failures by top leadership in Clay’s Fire Rescue.

Insiders said the internal investigation was over, but since CN&V began researching the hazing charges, a concerted effort to downplay the hazers' actions was underway.

Sources said the county did not welcome an investigation by the CCSO, so to keep law enforcement at bay, a cursory investigation may be reopened.

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Who is Mike Sell?

Mike Sell is a Florida native running for Congress in the Fourth District, which spans from Fernandina Beach to Green Cove Springs. With over 20 years of experience in operational excellence, Mike has a clear vision for change, motivated by his family and the challenges facing future generations. He aims to address issues such as the struggles of single mothers and the need for a better future for our children.

“I see that single moms still seem to struggle with some of the same things that my mom did.” — Mike Sell

The Forward Party: A New Approach to Politics

The Forward Party, founded by Andrew Yang, is a third party focused on innovative solutions and moving past the traditional left-right political divide. Mike describes it as:

“Not left, not right, but forward.”

This mantra emphasizes a proactive approach to politics, urging constituents to think about the future rather than getting caught in the cyclical nature of partisan politics. Mike’s platform includes key issues like term limits, campaign finance reform, and protecting public education funding.

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Economic Conversations

Josh and Mike tackled the economy. Mike emphasized the need to shift how we assess economic success, moving away from stock market metrics toward measures that genuinely reflect people’s lived experiences. He advocates for affordable housing and fair pricing practices, as well as leveraging Congress’s power to negotiate lower prescription drug prices.

“We’ve gotten into a bad habit of measuring our success against the success of the stock market.” — Mike Sell

A Vision for Change

Mike’s vision includes humane capitalism—seeking policies that benefit the community while ensuring fiscal responsibility. He believes in evaluating the effectiveness of government programs and being open to policies regardless of their political origin.

As he puts it, “It doesn’t matter whether it’s a Democrat or a Republican; we can back those policies that are right for Americans.”

This refreshing perspective encourages a collaborative approach to governance, inviting open dialogue between parties to find common ground.

Conclusion

Mike Sell’s candidacy represents a potential shift in how politics can serve the community. His insights challenge conventional narratives and offer a fresh take on what it means to engage in the political process. As he moves forward in his campaign, there’s much to consider about the future of politics and how it can better serve the people.

For those interested in exploring these ideas further, listen to the full episode for a deeper understanding of Mike’s vision and the Forward Party’s approach to politics.

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Clay County is moving toward a decision on a consolidated Public Safety Complex that county officials say could cost between $200 million and $400 million. The project would bring the Sheriff’s Office, Fire Rescue, emergency management, and 911 dispatch together on one campus.

Four firms are competing to design, build, and finance the facility. The Board of County Commissioners will hear presentations from all four bidders at a workshop on October 13, 2026, starting at 9 a.m. Commissioners will score the proposals later that same day at their regularly scheduled meeting.

A Long Time Coming

The idea traces back to at least 2020, when Clay County hired Mission Critical Partners (MCP), a Pennsylvania-based public safety consulting firm, to study combining the county’s two 911 dispatch operations.

At the time, the Sheriff’s Office and Clay County Fire Rescue ran separate call centers. The county’s contact for that work was Troy Nagle, who was the county’s Information Services Director. Nagle is an Assistant County Manager.

MCP’s original assessment led to a colocation plan for the two dispatch centers. In January 2021, the firm proposed managing the construction and technology work for that merger, for a fee of $522,020.

That project was focused narrowly on dispatch. It did not include the sheriff’s administrative offices, fire rescue headquarters, a fleet center, or a training complex.

The idea grew from there. In March 2023, Sheriff Michelle Cook told county commissioners the county needed a “campus-style complex,” modeled on a similar facility in Nassau County. She said the county’s practice of spreading staff across multiple buildings was not sustainable.

“We’ve got to start moving forward,” Cook told commissioners at the time. “Piecemealing us into portions of another building or putting 20 people over here, 10 people over here is just not the way to do business.”

By November 2023, the county was asking the state for funding through a formal legislative request. That filing cited a “high level assessment” by an independent third party as the basis for consolidating the county’s 911 operations. Mission Critical Partners did that assessment in 2020.

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What The Complex Would Include

As currently described in the county’s state funding requests, the complex would include a multi-agency warehouse, a fleet center, an administrative building, a 911 call center, and a training complex, all on one campus.

County officials have also held early talks with St. Johns River State College about relocating its law enforcement academy to the same site. That piece of the plan is still active, according to the county.

The site under consideration is a more than 53-acre parcel near the First Coast Expressway, in a planned development called Peters Creek Industrial Park, across from the Clay County Fairgrounds. The county has not yet purchased the land. It has issued a Notice of Intent for the property.

The Procurement Process

The county issued its solicitation, RFP No. 25/26-085, in April 2026. It is structured as a public/private partnership under Florida Statute 255.065, which allows local governments to have private firms design, build, and finance public projects rather than paying for construction upfront.

Bids were due June 15, 2026, and were opened the next day. Four firms submitted proposals. An evaluation committee reviewed the bids over the following weeks.

The Board of County Commissioners is now scheduled to hear from all four firms directly at the October 13 workshop, then score the proposals that same day.

A Wide Cost Range

County officials say the total cost of the complex is estimated at between $200 million and $400 million. The final price will depend on negotiations with whichever firm the county selects.

That is a far larger figure than earlier public estimates suggested. Previous state funding requests described individual pieces of the project, such as $20 million for a combined communications center or $4 million for utility infrastructure, but never a total project cost.

The estimate's scale raises the stakes for the October workshop. With a range that wide, commissioners will have significant room to negotiate on price, scope, or both once a firm is selected.

How The County Says It Will Pay For This

Clay County disclosed a projected $44.5 million General Fund deficit at a budget workshop on June 9, 2026, just before the bid opening for the public safety complex. Sheriff Cook warned in June that response times could suffer without action.

Asked whether that deficit affects the public safety complex, county officials said it does not. They said the deficit is in the county’s Operating funds, while the complex will be paid for through Capital Improvement funds, a separate budget category. The county did not specify which specific revenue sources will fund the Capital Improvement side of the project.

How Clay County’s Plan Compares

Sheriff Cook’s original comparison point, Nassau County, has built a 40-acre Public Safety Training Complex in phases. The first phase, a gun range, opened in 2021 for $1.6 million.

The second phase, an indoor training facility, opened in June 2025 for $7.95 million, funded by a state legislative grant and impact fees. Nassau’s project is focused on training rather than a full administrative consolidation.

St. Johns County has taken a different approach, building a series of smaller combined fire station and sheriff’s office facilities across the county rather than one large campus.

The second of four planned facilities, a $13 million, 20,000-square-foot building combining Fire Station 22 with a Sheriff’s Office operations center, is under construction now and expected to open in early 2027.

What Happens Next

The October 13 workshop will be the first public opportunity to see detailed proposals from the four competing firms, including their own cost estimates. Commissioners are expected to score those proposals the same day, a step that would move the county closer to selecting a development partner for the complex.